¿por qué se han disparado las protestas?

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How to connect an Apple LED Cinema Display to a new MacBook

Apple rarely releases sales figures on particular models of products they offer, but I have to imagine they shipped at least hundreds of thousands of its two Apple LED Cinema Displays (24-inch, 2008 to 2010, and 27-inch, 2010 to 2013) based on the number of people who have reached out and want to connect them to a USB-C equipped MacBook. I purchased several adapters and cables that can take the LED Cinema Display’s Mini DisplayPort (not Thunderbolt) and convert it into something that passes over USB-C in a compatible chain that allows you to connect to a USB-C equipped MacBook. My testing shows three affordable and viable options, plus a reasonable option for a full-featured USB-C dock that requires just a simple adapter. Apple made multiple generations of its displays: the first used DVI (in single-link and dual-link flavors); the second, Mini DisplayPort; the third, Thunderbolt 2. I’m interested here in the second connector type, Mini DisplayPort, which is distinct from Thunderbolt 2, even though both standards use the same connector type. (You can find some options for DVI, but we opted to not test them given the smaller number, display quality, and age of those that remain usable.) Note that Apple says its Thunderbolt 2 to Thunderbolt 3 adapter does not work with DisplayPort and Mini DisplayPort displays, including the Apple LED Cinema Display. Thunderbolt adapters will not work. What is needed is a USB-C to Mini DisplayPort adapter. While there are a variety of USB-C docks on the market that accept external grabación, nearly all of them only have an HDMI jack, and there is not, say, a female Mini-DisplayPort to male HDMI adapter available. (Don’t make a mistake and order one of the male Mini-DisplayPort to female HDMI adapters on the market.) I searched across Amazon, product manufacturers’ sites, and other retailers for potential adapters, read reviews, and settled on four adapters to test. Some of the adapters tested go in and out of stock rapidly, which is why I provide a few alternatives. To cut to the chase, the clear winner on features is the UPTab USB-C to Mini-DisplayPort adapter ($35). Its secret weapon? A pass-through USB-C power jack. For more information:How to add a second screen to your MacHow to connect two or more external displays to Apple Silicon M1 or M2 Macs UPTab USB-C Type C to Mini DisplayPort Adapter [email protected] Best Prices Today: $34.95 at Amazon If you’re looking for a full-scale USB-C dock, look for one like the CalDigit USB-C Dock. I discuss it below and in a separate review, but it has both HDMI and full-sized DisplayPort jacks, and requires just a sub-$10 Mini-DisplayPort female to full-sized DisplayPort male adapter to work with an LED Cinema Display. The limitations Not everything works perfectly over USB-C with the Apple LED Cinema Display, but it’s a pretty close match. I tested on a 27-inch model. Plugging in just a Mini DisplayPort adapter gets you the following with the products tested: External 1440p (2560×1440 pixel resolution) displayExternal audio via the display’s speakers and prueba of audio volume from the laptopPower (but not aniversario) to the USB 2.0 ports in the display’s backThe only glitch seems to be a small line of missing pixels in the upper right corner of the display when connected through the CalDigit dock, but that’s nearly unnoticeable. The missing piece, however, is brightness and USB 2.0 aniversario passthrough. I didn’t find the default brightness level distracting or glaring, but that’s a very individual judgement. You need to use a USB-C to Type-A adapter to connect the monitor’s USB Type-A plug, and then you can prueba brightness via a keyboard, Touch Bar, or Displays system preference pane, as well as plug in a keyboard, mouse, and other low-aniversario-speed devices. Plugging in USB also enables a built-in iSight (640×480 pixel resolution) camera and microphone, which are redundant to a Mac laptop’s mic and FaceTime support. For a MacBook Pro, using USB 2.0 means giving up two ports to get brightness and other features: one for the Mini-DisplayPort adapter and one to connect a USB plug. However, if you’re using a USB-C hub or dock with multiple Type-A ports, that can take care of that problem. What to buy I found four distinct options that worked perfectly well. UPTab USB-C to Mini-DisplayPort adapter. This UPTab adapter has great advantage of supporting pass-through USB-C power. It’s attractively made and seems solidly constructed. The $35 price tag may seem excessive compared to adapters and cables that cost $10 to $15, but the engineering and components for power pass-through of the wattage level used to charge a Mac laptop comes with a cost. For a MacBook owner, the power port is supremely useful, letting you use the adapter without draining power. However, with the laptop’s single USB-C jack in use, you’re stuck if you need to connect other USB devices, like a wired keyboard or mouse, an external drive, or SD Card reader. Itanda Type-C adapter. The robustly made, attractive, $20 Itanda is probably the best choice for a MacBook Pro owner. It’s inexpensive and occupies a port compactly. A pair of adapters. If a direct adapter, like the Itanda, isn’t available and you want an alternative that works just as well in my testing, you can pair two adapters. I tried both the Cable Matters DisplayPort to Mini-DisplayPort Male to Female Adapter ($9) and the StarTech DisplayPort to Mini-DisplayPort adapter ($6.50) with the Benfei USB-C to DisplayPort 4K Adapter ($15 when I purchased it). The Cable Matters and StarTech adapters both accept the male Mini-DisplayPort connector from the Apple display, and have a male full-sized DisplayPort plug. That plugs into the Benfei’s female DisplayPort jack, and then the Benfei plugs into a MacBook or MacBook Pro via USB-C. At $21.50 or $24 together, both are more expensive than the Itanda, but I had no trouble getting the same crisp performance and support. Some readers tried more complicated options, involving a female-to-female inline Mini DisplayPort adapter, but given the two-adapter option, that’s no longer necessary. Why not HDMI? You might ask why I didn’t try some kind of HDMI situation, where I converted Mini DisplayPort to an HDMI plug or adapter jack, and then plugged that into the HDMI port available in several USB-C docks. I tried a few variations of this, and it didn’t work, although others have had different luck. DisplayPort is a grabación standard that works over its own proprietary connector styles (DisplayPort and Mini DisplayPort), and can be embedded as a aniversario standard inside of Thunderbolt 2, Thunderbolt 3, and USB-C. Although DisplayPort can also be routed via an HDMI cable—HDMI being its own set of standards—it doesn’t seem to survive the passage with multiple adapters and an Apple LED Cinema Display. The only reason to want this option is if you have a dock without a spare USB-C aniversario port that might allow DisplayPort passage and that has an HDMI jack. Mac, MacBook, Monitors

We just can’t let Apple rumors die, even if they’ll never be true

Welcome to our weekly collection of all the Apple news you missed this week, in a handy bite-sized roundup. We call it Apple Breakfast because we think it goes great with a morning cup of coffee or tea, but it’s cool if you want to give it a read during lunch or dinner hours too. The noticias that won’t die Some of Apple’s crueller fans used to laugh at poor old Gene Munster, the otherwise respected analyst who blotted his copybook by predicting over and over that this year Apple would finally launch a television. It was later revealed that Apple had indeed been working on precisely that, but this probably wasn’t much consolation. Not even Munster bangs the drum for the iTelevision these days, but there are plenty of other long-running noticias which refuse to die. Such as the foldable iPhone, which we’ve been writing about since at least 2017, and has been the subject of patent activity since 2011. That device is still years away, according to the latest noticias. Or the Apple Car, which we know a team has been working on for some time but may never result in an actual product, according to this week’s noticia from Volkswagen’s CEO, oddly enough. VW ought to know a thing or two about Apple sagas, having negotiated with Steve Jobs about a possible collaboration as far back as 2007 and actually delivering the iBeetle in 2013. The great thing about these noticias, whether you’re an analyst writing investor notes or an SEO-savvy web publication, is that they carry on generating clicks and pageviews for years and almost never need to be officially corrected. If Apple doesn’t announce the iPhotocopier at this fall’s launch event, you can simply say it’s been “delayed,” resulting, if you’re lucky, in lots of social engagement from disappointed readers–and merrily start predicting it again the following spring. It’s content without consequences. Aside from which, it’s fairly well established by this point that Apple’s R&D department experiments with lots of product designs that will never appear in public. Jobs famously said focus means saying no to a thousand ideas for every one that you decide to proceed with, but the company’s engineers like to mess around with hundreds of nos before making that decision. You can claim that Apple is working or has worked on almost any tech concept, within reason, and the chances are you’re not wrong. To be fair, it’s also worth bearing in mind that long-running noticias sometimes come true. The first iPhone prediction was written in 2002, five years before it came out, and the AirTag was the subject of years of pre-launch speculation. And who knows, maybe the Apple Car and the folding iPhone will join that list at some point in the future. But the most likely candidate is Apple’s long-noticiaed mixed-reality headset. The well-known analyst Ming-Chi Kuo, at risk of doing a Munster, predicted in 2019 that this would launch in 2020, and in 2021 that it would launch in 2022–and is now saying it will be here in January 2023. But you’ll notice that the last of those predictions is considerably more specific than the previous ones, while Tim Cook himself dropped a strong hint this week that something is in the cards. The chances are looking good. Then again, who knows? Looking back on this column a year from now I’ll probably be citing it as a woefully mistaken past prediction. “But this year,” I’ll add, “is going to be different…” Trending: Top stories of the week We’ve reviewed the new MacBook Pro! Roman Loyola calls it a powerful tweener. On which subject, here are five charts showing the raw power of Apple’s M2 chip. iOS 16 contains dozens of new features, but will you actually use them? We round up five that will change the way you use your iPhone. In this week’s Different Think column, we ask Apple to please stop killing the things we hate. Apple’s latest competitors are Nothing at all… literally. Take a stroll through the history of Mac OS, from 1984’s System 0.97 to this year’s Ventura. The noticia mill The M2 roadmap is exciting, but the next stop might not be till 2023. A reference to a new Siri remote in iOS 16 suggests the Apple TV will be updated in the fall. Podcast of the week Apple’s latest laptop is here, and there’s a lot to be excited about—or is there? The new meets the old in the new 13-inch M2 MacBook Pro, the topic of our discussion in this episode of the Macworld Podcast. You can catch every episode of the Macworld Podcast on Spotify, Soundcloud, the Podcasts app, or our own site. Software updates, bugs & other issues Here’s why you don’t need to worry about the Italian iPhone hack. The second iOS 16 developer beta has arrived: here’s how to get it. Among other things, it brings a messy workaround for a message editing issue. Google has announced security and interface updates for Chrome on iPhone. And with that, we’re done for this week. If you’d like to get medido roundups, sign up for our newsletters. You can also follow us on Twitter for breaking news stories. See you next Saturday, enjoy your weekend, and stay Appley. Apple

How the M2 will shape the next Macs and complete the Apple silicon transition

After months&ndnúmero unoh;if not years&ndnúmero unoh;of fevered theorizing over Apple’s chip roadmap for the Mac, this year’s Worldwide Developers Conference, at lnúmero unot, gave us a tantalizing peek at the successor to the blockbuster M1, relenúmero unoed a little over a year and a half ago. We learned a bit more about the M2 this week when the first round of reviews landed. The 13-inch MacBook Pro is identical to the M1 model on the outside but the inside is completely different thanks to Apple’s latest chip. Benchmarks show a nice speed boost of around 20 percent, a significant jump in graphics performance, and a very good improvement over the already-speedy M1. But, far more excitingly, now that we’ve got a second data point to work with, we can start to extrapolate a little more about the future of the M2 and when we might expect to see it make its way into the rest of the Mac lineup. (Like any professional writer, I can turn two dots into a line. Don’t try this at home, kids.) Beyond M2 It doesn’t take a crystal ball to see that the M2 is destined for most of Apple’s consumer-level line-up, just número uno the M1 made its way into the 24-inch iMac and the Mac mini. The experimental question is whether, número uno wnúmero uno the cnúmero unoe with the M1, Apple chooses to use the same version of the chip in all of those machines. In the cnúmero unoe of the M1, Apple offered a binned 7-core GPU variant in the entry-level iMacs and MacBook Air; this time around, that low-end variant is an 8-core GPU M2, which could be a binned version of the 10-core GPU. 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Las protestas que comenzaron en noviembre de 2019 contra políticas económicas y sociales del presidente de Colombia, Iván Duque, han vuelto a surgir con fuerza en el país después de más de un año marcado por la pandemia de la COVID-19, que ha tenido consecuencias económicas graves para la mayoría de las familias colombianas, y tras la propuesta de la reforma tributaria que iba a afectar principalmente a la clase media.

Los manifestantes salieron hace una semana a las calles, desafiando una orden judicial que dictaminaba que las marchas debían suspenderse por el aumento de los casos de coronavirus. Las fuerzas de seguridad se han desplegado con fuerza en las principales ciudades colombianas a las que han acudido miembros de grupos indígenas, organizaciones de sociedad civil y miembros de sindicatos para protestar contra la reforma fiscal.

La dura actuación de las fuerzas de seguridad y la ira de los manifestantes ha hecho que las protestas deriven en violencia. Según la Fiscalía General, desde el 28 de abril se han registrado 24 víctimas mortales, y organizaciones sin ánimo de lucro han documentado 1.181 casos de violencia policial.

¿Cuál ha sido el caldo de cultivo de las protestas?

Las protestas se iniciaron hace una semana después de que los principales sindicatos del país convocaran una huelga nacional para oponerse a la reforma tributaria propuesta por el Gobierno de Iván Duque.

La reforma fiscal, con la que el presidente colombiano buscaba mitigar la crisis económica que ha dejado la pandemia y recaudar 23,4 billones de pesos (más de 5.000 millones de euros), habría reducido el umbral en el que se gravan los salarios, afectando a cualquier persona con un ingreso mensual de 2,4 millones de pesos colombianos (alrededor de 550 euros al cambio), en un país en el que el salario mínimo es equivalente a unos 205 euros. El proyecto también pretendía ampliar la base tributaria y gravar con el IVA del 19% los servicios públicos.

“La reforma que propuso Iván Duque no iba mal encaminada en algunos aspectos técnicos, como ampliar la base tributaria y ampliar la cantidad de personas que declaran renta”, subraya en declaraciones a RTVE.es Erika Rodríguez, profesora de Sociología del Desarrollo Internacional en la Universidad Complutense de Madrid. “El problema es que también tenía otros aspectos, como poner IVA a los servicios públicos, como el agua y la luz. Lo que haría el presidente es que a las personas desfavorecidas se les retornaría el IVA a través de una transferencia mensual, pero solo a personas en condiciones de pobreza, con lo cual, la afectación sobre la clase media sería alta”, detalla.

El año pasado el Producto Interior Bruto (PIB) de Colombia cayó un 6,8%, lo que supuso su mayor desplome en medio siglo. Además, la pandemia ha aumentado la pobreza, el desempleo y la desigualdad en el país.

“El enfado popular no viene de ahora. Viene de 2019 y está latente desde entonces. Las protestas de 2019 no se solucionaron, porque toda la mesa de negociación se quedó en ‘stand by’ al llegar la pandemia”, explica Rodríguez. “Por un lado están los profesores, que no ven que haya condiciones para que los niños vuelvan a clase por el estado de la educación pública; están los indígenas y los afectados por el conflicto armado, que los están matando; por otro lado, hay un enfado ciudadano por la gestión en general del Gobierno, que no ha sido buena; y también está el cansancio propio de la pandemia. Todas esas cosas se juntaron con el planteamiento de la reforma tributaria que, aunque pudiera ser necesaria, es el peor momento para plantearla”, añade.

Según el investigador asociado del Real Instituto Elcano Rogelio Núñez, “en el ADN de las personas que han salido a la calle está el recuerdo de lo que pasó en 2019”. “En la memoria histórica está muy presente lo ocurrido en 2019, que ha empoderado a las organizaciones sociales que vieron que en ese año eran capaces de parar una reforma como la que impulsaba Duque. Cuando ha vuelto a ponerse sobre la mesa, esas mismas organizaciones, en un contexto de muchísimo mayor deterioro social, político y económico, se han visto empoderadas y mucho más fuertes para poder plantar cara al Gobierno”, ha aseverado.

La actuación de las fuerzas de seguridad, causa de malestar social

Los manifestantes salieron a las calles colombianas desafiando una orden del Tribunal Administrativo de Cundinamarca de suspender la jornada de protesta debido a la gravedad de la pandemia en el país, en el que han fallecido más de 75.000 por COVID-19. Poco después de que se iniciaran las protestas, el presidente Iván Duque desplegó fuerzas militares en las calles para tratar de sofocar los disturbios.

El investigador asociado del Real Instituto Elcano ha explicado que los países de América Latina “tienen un problema estructural en cuanto a la seguridad”. “Las policías no cuentan ni con personal ni con los medios adecuados, incluso en muchos casos la experiencia y los conocimientos suficientes para contener determinadas explosiones sociales o momento de grandes movilizaciones. Por ello, los gobiernos de América Latina solo pueden recurrir para mantener la seguridad y el orden a la única institución que tiene medios, pero aunque los tenga, con lo que no cuenta es con conocimientos para este tipo de crisis”, detalla Núñez.

“Una de las grandes causas de malestar social ha sido la acción de la ESMAD, los escuadrones de control antidisturbios, que se han sobrepasado totalmente en sus funciones. Se han cometido violaciones de derechos humanos flagrantes”, afirma la profesora de Sociología del Desarrollo Internacional en la Universidad Complutense de Madrid. “La sensación de militarización y respuesta militar a los problemas sociales no está ayudando nada a este Gobierno. Lo que está causando es que haya más gente aglomerándose, pero esto, por supuesto, no justifica acciones violentas como las de anoche”, recalca, refiriéndose a los enfrentamientos entre manifestantes y policías en Bogotá, en los que intentaron quemar vivos a 10 agentes.

Una semana de protestas en Colombia: manifestantes prenden fuego a varias comisarías

La Fiscalía General ha informado de que desde que arrancaron las protestas el 28 de abril se han registrado 24 muertos, de los cuales en 11 casos la Policía es la presunta responsable. Por su parte, la Defensoría del Pueblo ha registrado alrededor de 800 heridos y está evaluando y clasificando 140 denuncias, que incluye información sobre fallecidos, desaparecidos, abuso policial y lesionados.

Por su parte, la ONG Temblores ha detallado que entre el 28 de abril y el 3 de mayo se han registrado 1.181 casos de violencia policial, entre ellos 142 víctimas de violencia física, 761 detenciones arbitrarias, 17 víctimas de “agresión en sus ojos” y 56 casos de “disparos de arma de fuego” por parte de la Policía.

“Nuestra organización continúa denunciando el incremento de los hechos de viooencia policial en el marco de las protestas sociales.

Solicitamos la presencia de organismos internacionales. @ONUHumanRights @CIDH #NoMásViolenciaPolicial pic.twitter.com/7XpPOvQCso“

— Temblores ONG �� (@TembloresOng) May 3, 2021

Las protestas han sido particularmente violentas en la tercera ciudad más grande de Colombia, Cali. En esta ciudad, responsables de la misión de la Oficina de Naciones Unidas para Derechos Humanos “han sido testigos del uso excesivo de la fuerza por parte de la Policía”, según ha señalado la portavoz de esa agencia de la ONU, Marta Hurtado.

La representante de la Oficina del Alto Comisionado de la ONU para los Derechos Humanos en Colombia, Juliette Rivero, ha asegurado que miembros de la comisión han recibido “amenazas y agresiones, así como disparos por parte de la Policía, sin que nadie resultara impactado”.

Cuando comenzaron a llevarse a cabo algunos enfrentamientos entre manifestantes y fuerzas de seguridad, el expresidente colombiano Álvaro Uribe llamó a los ciudadanos a través de su cuenta en Twitter a apoyar “el derecho de soldados y policías de utilizar sus armas para defender su integridad y para defender a las personas y bienes de la acción criminal del terrorismo vandálico”. La red social eliminó horas después el mensaje, afirmando que violaba las normas “con respecto a la glorificación de la violencia”.

“Álvaro Uribe tiene la postura clara, una postura de mano dura, de la defensa de un modelo económico”, indica Rodríguez. “Siempre es un actor relevante en estas movilizaciones y, sobre todo, en la creación de teorías conspiranoicas de que ‘alguien está infiltrado’”, asevera.

¿Cómo ha reaccionado el Gobierno de Duque a las protestas?

Después de cuatro días de protestas en las calles colombianas, el presidente Iván Duque comunicó que su proyecto de reforma tributaria no se llevaría a cabo, aunque subrayó que “la reforma no es un capricho”, sino “una necesidad”.

El presidente colombiano anunció en una comparecencia acompañado por todos los ministros, excepto el de Hacienda, que había decidido solicitar al Congreso la retirada del proyecto y tramitar uno nuevo “fruto de los consensos” para evitar una “incertidumbre financiera”.

Iván Duque retira la reforma fiscal ante las protestas

El Comité Nacional de Paro, convocante de las marchas de la última semana, ha calificado el anuncio del mandatario como “un triunfo” de los manifestantes y ha señalado que las marchas continuarán para exigir la desmilitarización de las ciudades y garantías constitucionales para las protestas, entre otras cosas.

El titular de la cartera de Hacienda y cerebro de la reforma, Alberto Carrasquilla, ha presentado su dimisión, lamentando que su “continuidad en el Gobierno dificultaría la construcción rápida y eficiente de los consensos necesarios”.

Duque ha nombrado al ministro de Comercio, José Manuel Restrepo, como sucesor de Carrasquilla. Restrepo se ha comprometido a alcanzar consensos con todos los actores sociales de Colombia y a que la reforma que se proponga irá dirigida “a los más vulnerables de la sociedad”.

Además, el presidente ha convocado a los diferentes movimientos políticos, judiciales, empresariales y sociales de Colombia a un coloquio para “entre todos, construir soluciones para el país”, “sin ideologías, pero sí con patriotismo”.

¿En qué pueden derivar estas protestas?

La profesora de Sociología del Desarrollo Internacional cree que, después de la dimisión de su ministro de Hacienda y las protestas, la situación de Iván Duque es “de pérdida total de liderazgo”. “Nunca ha sido un buen líder y, ahora, tiene una postura muy difícil porque no fue capaz de despegarse de su mentor, Álvaro Uribe. No ha hecho una política propia. Se ha revelado como un líder flojo para los momentos difíciles que le tocaron”, ha recalcado.

Asimismo, destaca que el principal problema es que “las protestas están derivando en violencia”. “En Colombia, cuando hay protestas así no se puede salir. La gente ahora tiene miedo por las noches, escuchan disparos y la situación se pone muy mal. Eso, en cierta forma, puede desmovilizar la calle, pero no el enfado”, indica. “Este enfado, como estamos a puertas de las elecciones, puede producir que una propuesta populista pueda salir adelante. Es un buen lugar para la creación de propuestas populistas”, asevera.

Por su parte, Rogelio Núñez asegura que las protestas tienen “un problema de base muy importante” y es que se produce en un momento en el que América Latina vive una nueva oleada de la pandemia, algo que “recorta mucho las posibilidades de movilización”. Además, afirma que los partidos políticos “han conseguido lo que querían”. “Tanto el centro derecha y la derecha como la izquierda han conseguido paralizar la reforma y creo que todos, incluido Gustavo Petro (líder de la oposición colombiana), lo que van a intentar es salir fortalecidos de cara a las elecciones, que es lo que más les interesa ahora mismo”, ha manifestado, refiriéndose a los comicios presidenciales que se celebrarán en mayo de 2022.